AP® U.S. History 2025 FRQ Set 1: Detailed Solutions
A Note from Your APUSH Educator: Welcome! This guide will walk you through the 2025 Set 1 Free-Response Questions. The key to success on the APUSH exam is not just knowing facts, but using them to build historical arguments. For each question, we'll break down the prompt, strategize an approach, and review a model answer. While the user requested a "mathematical expressions format," historical analysis relies on well-reasoned prose. Therefore, the solutions are presented in a highly structured, logical format to ensure clarity, using historical evidence to build arguments step-by-step.
Question 1 (SAQ): Early U.S. Politics
This question asks you to compare two historical interpretations (historiography) about the nature of American democracy after the Revolution.
A. Briefly describe one major difference between Wilentz’s and Bouton's historical interpretations of early United States politics.
- Analyze Wilentz: Wilentz argues that the Jeffersonian era represented a genuine expansion of democracy. He uses phrases like "egalitarian impulse," "opened up the political system," and says the Federalists' "suppression of democracy" was discredited. His view is optimistic about the growth of democracy.
- Analyze Bouton: Bouton has a more pessimistic view. He argues that the elite created a "stronger barrier against democracy." He claims that even though the Democratic-Republicans came to power, they left the "bulk of the Federalist system in place" and did not pull down the "barriers to democracy."
- Identify the Core Difference: The key difference is their assessment of the Jeffersonian "Revolution of 1800." Wilentz sees it as a victory for democracy, while Bouton sees it as a continuation of elite rule under a new name.
One major difference between Wilentz's and Bouton's interpretations is their assessment of the political changes following the election of 1800. Wilentz portrays the Jeffersonian ascendency as a significant democratic victory that "opened up the political system" and successfully beat back the anti-democratic efforts of the Federalists. In contrast, Bouton argues that this change in power was superficial, as the Democratic-Republican leaders were "content to leave the bulk of the Federalist system in place," thus maintaining the "barriers to democracy" that the nation's elite had created.
B. Briefly explain how one event or development from 1789 to 1820 not directly mentioned in the excerpts could be used to support Wilentz’s argument.
- Recall Wilentz's Argument: Democracy was expanding and the political system was opening up.
- Brainstorm Evidence (1789-1820): What events show an expansion of popular political power?
- The "Revolution of 1800" (peaceful transfer of power).
- Repeal of the Alien and Sedition Acts.
- Westward expansion and the creation of new states.
- The elimination of property requirements for voting in many states. (This is a strong choice).
- Select and Explain: The removal of property qualifications for white male suffrage directly supports the idea of an expanding, more egalitarian political system. It allowed more "common men" to participate in politics, which fits Wilentz's narrative perfectly.
The gradual elimination of property requirements for voting in many states during the early 19th century supports Wilentz's argument. This development significantly expanded the electorate to include more non-landowning white men, reflecting the "egalitarian impulse" Wilentz describes. By allowing a broader segment of the population to participate in the political process, this change demonstrates that the "filters on democracy" were indeed becoming "porous" and the system was opening up to more common citizens, not just the landed elite.
C. Briefly explain how one event or development from 1789 to 1820 not directly mentioned in the excerpts could be used to support Bouton's argument.
- Recall Bouton's Argument: The elite maintained control and the "barriers to democracy" remained.
- Brainstorm Evidence (1789-1820): What events show the limits of democracy and the continuation of elite/federal power?
- The Supreme Court under Chief Justice John Marshall (a Federalist).
- The continued existence of slavery.
- The lack of political rights for women or Native Americans.
- The handling of the Whiskey Rebellion (early in the period, but shows elite desire for order).
- Select and Explain: The decisions of the Marshall Court are an excellent example. Cases like Marbury v. Madison (1803) and McCulloch v. Maryland (1819) solidified the power of the federal judiciary and the federal government over the states, regardless of which party was in the White House. This supports Bouton's claim that the "Federalist system" created to check democracy "has lasted."
The persistent influence of the Federalist judiciary under Chief Justice John Marshall supports Bouton's argument that the elite-created "barriers to democracy" remained intact. Even after Jefferson's Democratic-Republicans took power, the Marshall Court issued landmark decisions like Marbury v. Madison (1803) and McCulloch v. Maryland (1819) that strengthened the power of the central government and the judiciary. This demonstrates that key parts of the "Federalist system," designed by elites to check popular will and state power, endured and were even expanded, aligning with Bouton's claim that Democratic-Republican leaders did not dismantle these fundamental structures.
Question 2 (SAQ): Sectionalism & The Union
This question analyzes a primary source—Daniel Webster's famous speech—to explore the growing debate over federal power versus states' rights.
A. Briefly describe one purpose of political leaders in promoting ideas such as Webster's.
- Analyze Webster's Idea: He promotes the Union, a strong central government, the "common good," and "patriotic feeling" that transcends state boundaries. He is arguing against the idea that states are separate countries.
- Identify the Context: The speech is in 1830, a time of rising sectional tension, particularly over tariffs and slavery.
- Determine the Purpose: Webster, a nationalist, aims to preserve the Union by countering the growing sectionalist and states' rights ideologies. His purpose is to foster a sense of national identity and defend the legitimacy of the federal government to act for the "general benefit of the whole."
One purpose of a political leader like Daniel Webster promoting these ideas was to strengthen and preserve the Union in the face of growing sectionalism. By emphasizing a shared national identity and the concept of the states being "united under the same General Government," Webster sought to counter the states' rights arguments, championed by figures like Robert Hayne, which threatened to weaken the federal government and potentially dissolve the Union over contentious issues like tariffs.
B. Briefly explain one development from 1820 to 1848 that contributed to the political ideas debated in the speech.
- Recall the Debate: Federal power (especially for economic development like "internal improvements") vs. states' rights.
- Brainstorm Developments (1820-1848):
- Missouri Compromise (1820): Sectional debate over slavery.
- Henry Clay's American System: A program of tariffs, a national bank, and federally funded internal improvements—the very topic of the debate.
- The Nullification Crisis (1832-33): South Carolina's attempt to void federal tariffs. This is the most direct contributor.
- Select and Explain: The Nullification Crisis is a prime example. It was a direct clash between federal authority and a state claiming the ultimate right to reject federal law, making it a powerful catalyst for the arguments articulated by both Webster and Hayne.
The Nullification Crisis of 1832-1833 directly contributed to the political debate in the speech. Spurred by Southern opposition to the "Tariff of Abominations," South Carolina, led by John C. Calhoun, declared the federal tariffs null and void within its borders. This action represented the ultimate expression of the states' rights doctrine that Hayne defended and forced a direct confrontation with the nationalist view of an indivisible Union and supreme federal law that Webster championed, making their 1830 debate a precursor to this crisis.
C. Briefly explain how one political debate between 1848 and 1865 was similar to the debate in the speech.
- Recall the Core Debate: Federal power vs. state sovereignty.
- Brainstorm Debates (1848-1865): This period leads directly to the Civil War.
- The Compromise of 1850: Especially the Fugitive Slave Act, which imposed federal will on Northern states.
- The Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854): The principle of popular sovereignty, allowing territories to decide on slavery, was a new variation on the states' rights argument.
- The secession of Southern states (1860-61): This is the ultimate expression of the states' rights argument Hayne was making.
- Select and Explain: The debate over the Kansas-Nebraska Act is a strong choice. It centered on whether the federal government (via the Missouri Compromise line) or the people in the territories (a form of local/state sovereignty) should decide the status of slavery. This is a direct parallel to the Webster-Hayne debate about the locus of power.
A similar political debate occurred over the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854. This act repealed the Missouri Compromise line and instituted the principle of popular sovereignty, allowing settlers in the territories of Kansas and Nebraska to decide for themselves whether to permit slavery. This debate mirrored the one between Webster and Hayne by pitting the idea of a binding national policy established by the federal government (the Missouri Compromise) against the principle of local or state-level decision-making (popular sovereignty), once again raising the fundamental question of the balance of power between the central government and individual states or territories.
Questions 3 & 4 (SAQ): Thematic Choice
The instructions require you to answer EITHER Question 3 OR Question 4. Below are model answers for both to aid in your studies.
Model Solution for Question 3: Colonial Period
A. Briefly describe one political development in British North America from 1607 to 1753.
One key political development in British North America during this period was the establishment of colonial legislative assemblies. Beginning with the Virginia House of Burgesses in 1619, most colonies developed their own representative bodies that had the power to pass local laws and, crucially, control government finances through the "power of the purse." This long tradition fostered a strong belief in the colonists' right to self-governance.
B. Briefly describe one effect of the Seven Years' War from 1754 to 1765.
One major effect of the Seven Years' War was Great Britain's decision to end its policy of salutary neglect and impose new taxes on the colonies. To pay off its massive war debt and cover the costs of administering its newly expanded empire, Parliament passed measures like the Sugar Act (1764) and the Stamp Act (1765). This marked a significant shift in British imperial policy from loose supervision to direct taxation and tighter control.
C. Briefly explain how one group responded to debates about the rights of British colonists from 1765 to 1783.
The Sons of Liberty responded to the debates over colonists' rights by organizing active and often aggressive resistance to British policies. In response to the Stamp Act, for example, this group organized mass protests, enforced boycotts of British goods, and used intimidation and violence against stamp distributors and royal officials. They argued that "no taxation without representation" was a fundamental right and acted on this belief to nullify British law in the colonies, drastically escalating the conflict with the mother country.
Model Solution for Question 4: Reconstruction & After
A. Briefly describe one political development during Reconstruction from 1865 to 1877.
A major political development during Reconstruction was the ratification of the 14th Amendment in 1868. This amendment fundamentally redefined American citizenship by establishing birthright citizenship and guaranteeing all persons "equal protection of the laws." It represented a massive expansion of federal power, giving the national government the authority to protect citizens' rights from infringement by the states, a direct response to the Black Codes passed in the South.
B. Briefly describe one effect of the end of Reconstruction from 1877 to 1900.
One significant effect of the end of Reconstruction, marked by the Compromise of 1877, was the systematic disenfranchisement of African American men across the South. With federal troops withdrawn and the federal government no longer enforcing civil rights, Southern "Redeemer" governments implemented measures like poll taxes, literacy tests, and grandfather clauses. These policies effectively nullified the 15th Amendment and removed African Americans from political life for decades.
C. Briefly explain how one group responded to debates about the federal government from 1900 to 1945.
Progressive reformers responded to debates about the federal government by advocating for a significant expansion of its role to address the problems of industrial society. Arguing that laissez-faire policies had led to unsafe products, corporate monopolies, and political corruption, groups like muckraking journalists and social reformers pushed for federal action. This led to landmark legislation such as the Pure Food and Drug Act (1906) and the creation of the Federal Reserve (1913), fundamentally changing the expectation that the federal government should regulate the economy and protect the public welfare.
Question 1 (Document-Based Question)
Prompt: Evaluate the extent to which the role of the federal government in the United States economy changed from 1932 to 1980.
1. Deconstructing the Prompt & Planning
- Historical Skill: Change and Continuity Over Time. The key is to evaluate the *extent* of the change, which means I need to argue how much it changed and what stayed the same.
- Topic: The role of the federal government in the U.S. economy. This includes regulation, social welfare, infrastructure, labor relations, etc.
- Period: 1932 (FDR's election) to 1980 (Reagan's election). This is the era of the New Deal coalition and its eventual fracture.
- Argument Outline:
- Thesis: The role changed *dramatically* from limited intervention to active management and social welfare provider. This was the dominant trend. However, this expansion faced *continuous* ideological opposition, which gained significant political power by 1980.
- Context: Before 1932, the government's role was limited (laissez-faire), with exceptions during the Progressive Era and WWI. The Great Depression shattered the faith in limited government, creating the demand for FDR's New Deal.
- Body Paragraph 1 (Change): The New Deal & WWII (Docs 1, 2). Focus on the creation of a limited social safety net (WPA, Social Security) and direct management of the economy/labor (War Food Admin). Outside Evidence: Glass-Steagall Act, Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA).
- Body Paragraph 2 (Change): The Great Society & Liberal Consensus (Docs 3, 4, 6). Focus on the peak of government expansion—infrastructure (Highway Act), healthcare (Medicare), and support for labor (Chávez). Outside Evidence: "War on Poverty," Civil Rights Act of 1964 (banning discrimination in employment).
- Body Paragraph 3 (Continuity/Backlash): The Conservative Opposition (Docs 5, 7). Show the consistent ideological opposition from conservatives like Goldwater and Holt, who argued for free markets and limited government. This continuity of opposition grew into a powerful political movement. Outside Evidence: Stagflation of the 1970s, rise of the "New Right."
- Complexity: The primary argument is change, but the nuance is the persistent continuity of the *debate* itself. The fundamental conflict over the government's proper role never went away; it just evolved. The election of Ronald Reagan in 1980 on a platform of scaling back government represents the culmination of the opposition described in Docs 5 and 7, showing that the change was not uncontested and was being actively challenged by the end of the period.
2. Model Essay
Prior to 1932, the federal government’s role in the American economy was largely guided by a laissez-faire philosophy, punctuated by brief periods of reform during the Progressive Era. The catastrophic collapse of the economy during the Great Depression shattered this tradition, revealing the inadequacy of President Hoover's appeals to voluntarism and limited federal action. This crisis created an urgent demand for a new approach, setting the stage for a fundamental redefinition of the relationship between the government and the economy that would unfold over the next five decades.
From 1932 to 1980, the role of the federal government in the United States economy underwent a revolutionary expansion, transforming from a limited regulator to an active manager of the economy and a direct provider of social welfare. This change, initiated by Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal and dramatically extended by Lyndon B. Johnson's Great Society, established a new consensus about the government's responsibilities. However, this expansion was met with persistent and growing conservative opposition that championed free-market principles, creating a continuous ideological battle that culminated in a powerful political challenge to the expanded state by 1980.
The initial and most dramatic shift in the federal government’s economic role occurred during the New Deal and World War II. Responding to the Great Depression, the Roosevelt administration implemented a wide array of programs that directly intervened in the economy. The Works Progress Administration (WPA), for example, made the government the employer of last resort. The 1937 letter from the Workers Council of Colored People to the WPA administrator Harry Hopkins (Document 1) illustrates this new reality. The women’s purpose in writing is to demand fair access to these new government jobs, showing a newfound expectation that the federal government was responsible for providing economic relief. Their plea highlights both the massive scope of the New Deal and its failures to distribute aid equitably, yet underscores the fundamental change that such a petition was now directed at a federal agency. This expansion of government management was further solidified during World War II, when the federal government took command of the national economy. The War Food Administration, for instance, actively managed the agricultural labor supply by recruiting foreign workers through programs like the Bracero Program to meet production demands (Document 2). This level of direct federal intervention in the labor market was unprecedented in peacetime and, alongside keystone New Deal legislation like the Social Security Act, established a permanent, expanded role for the government in ensuring economic stability and social welfare.
This trend of an expanding federal economic role reached its zenith in the post-war era, particularly during the liberal consensus of the 1960s. Building on the New Deal framework, administrations invested heavily in national infrastructure and social programs. The Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1956, supported by President Eisenhower, committed the federal government to the largest public works project in American history, creating the interstate highway system to promote commerce and national defense (Document 3). This was followed by President John F. Kennedy’s call for government-funded health insurance for the elderly (Document 4), a proposal that became Medicare under President Lyndon B. Johnson's Great Society. Johnson's "War on Poverty" represented the peak of the belief that the federal government could and should solve complex social and economic problems. This belief extended to supporting marginalized groups, as seen in César Chávez's 1969 appeal for "effective governmental support" for farmworker unions (Document 6), demonstrating the continued expectation that the federal government should intervene on behalf of labor against powerful corporate interests.
Despite the dominance of this expansionist trend, a powerful ideological countercurrent championing limited government and free-market capitalism remained a continuous and growing force throughout the period. In 1964, Republican presidential nominee Barry Goldwater articulated this conservative viewpoint, arguing against "concentrations of power, private or public," and for a government that "nurtures incentives and opportunity" rather than managing outcomes (Document 5). The point of view of Goldwater's speech is crucial; as the standard-bearer for the Republican party, his words represent the core of an organized political opposition to the liberal consensus. While Goldwater lost the election overwhelmingly, his ideas laid the groundwork for a future conservative resurgence. By the 1970s, amid economic crises like stagflation, this critique gained broader appeal. Republican Congresswoman Marjorie S. Holt, in her 1976 book, blamed decades of government spending for draining capital and causing economic turmoil, calling "social and economic planning by the central government...the surest road to tyranny" (Document 7). This argument, echoing Goldwater's, resonated with a growing number of Americans, fueling the rise of the "New Right" and setting the stage for the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980 on a platform of deregulation and reducing the size of government.
In conclusion, the period from 1932 to 1980 witnessed a profound and lasting transformation in the federal government's economic role, establishing a new foundation for government responsibility in American life. The change from the minimalist state of the 1920s to the powerful regulatory and welfare state of the 1960s was undeniably vast. However, the American tradition of skepticism toward centralized power did not vanish; it persisted as a potent opposition movement. This continuous debate over the proper size and scope of government is a defining feature of modern American history, and the conservative reaction that gained strength through the 1970s ultimately signaled that the era of unchallenged government expansion had come to an end, heralding a new political chapter.
Long Essay Questions (LEQ)
Instructions: Choose ONE of the following questions to answer. A full model essay is provided for Question 3, with strategic outlines for Questions 2 and 4.
Question 3: Evaluate how different reform movements in the United States responded to industrialization from 1820 to 1900.
1. Deconstructing the Prompt & Planning
- Historical Skill: Causation (how reform movements were a response *to* industrialization). Also Comparison (comparing *different* reform movements).
- Topic: Reform movements' responses to industrialization. This means connecting specific problems (low wages, child labor, urban squalor, corporate power) to specific reform movements.
- Period: 1820-1900. This is a long period covering the initial Market Revolution through the height of the Gilded Age.
- Argument Outline:
- Thesis: Reform movements responded in varied ways. Some, like labor unions and Populists, sought to directly challenge the economic and political power of industrial capitalism. Others, like the Social Gospel and settlement house movements, focused on mitigating the social damage of industrialization on the urban poor. A third strand, including temperance advocates, sought to address perceived moral decay linked to industrial life.
- Contextualization: Describe the Second Industrial Revolution (post-Civil War), characterized by rapid technological change, the rise of large corporations (trusts), mass immigration, and explosive, unplanned urbanization. This created immense wealth alongside widespread poverty, dangerous working conditions, and corrupt politics, providing fertile ground for reform.
- Body Paragraph 1: Direct Economic & Political Challenges. Evidence: The Knights of Labor (welcoming all workers, advocating for cooperatives), the American Federation of Labor (AFL) (focusing on "bread and butter" issues like wages and hours for skilled workers), and the Populist Party (Omaha Platform of 1892 calling for government ownership of railroads and a progressive income tax).
- Body Paragraph 2: Ameliorating Social Conditions. Evidence: The Social Gospel movement (led by ministers like Washington Gladden and Walter Rauschenbusch) which called on Christians to address poverty and social justice. The Settlement House movement, exemplified by Jane Addams' Hull House in Chicago, provided essential services like education, childcare, and healthcare to immigrant and working-class families.
- Body Paragraph 3: Moral and Cultural Reform. Evidence: The Women's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) led by Frances Willard. They framed temperance not just as a moral issue but as a response to industrial problems like worker inefficiency, poverty, and domestic abuse, which they argued were exacerbated by alcoholism in industrial cities.
- Complexity: Achieve complexity by comparing the goals and strategies of these movements. For instance, compare the radical, systemic changes proposed by the Populists with the more localized, service-oriented approach of the settlement houses. Or, explain how different movements often overlapped, such as the WCTU's support for women's suffrage as a tool to achieve its social reform goals, demonstrating the interconnectedness of reform efforts.
2. Model Essay
Throughout the 19th century, the United States underwent a profound transformation from an agrarian republic to an industrial powerhouse. This process, beginning with the Market Revolution and accelerating dramatically after the Civil War, created unprecedented national wealth and technological innovation. However, industrialization also brought severe social and economic dislocations: the rise of powerful, often ruthless corporations, dangerous and exploitative working conditions, squalid urban living environments for the working poor, and a widening chasm between the wealthy elite and the laboring masses. In this context of turmoil and inequality, a diverse array of reform movements emerged to challenge and mitigate the harsh realities of industrial capitalism.
In response to the profound economic and social disruptions of industrialization from 1820 to 1900, American reform movements adopted varied strategies; some, like the labor and Populist movements, mounted a direct political and economic challenge to the power of corporate capitalism, while others, such as the Social Gospel and settlement house movements, sought to ameliorate the suffering of the urban poor through social services and moral suasion, collectively questioning the era's dominant laissez-faire ethos.
One of the most direct responses to industrialization came from movements that sought to fundamentally alter the balance of economic and political power between labor and capital. The labor movement, for instance, grew directly out of the factory system. Early unions like the Knights of Labor, inclusive of skilled and unskilled workers, advocated for broad reforms such as the eight-hour day and the abolition of child labor. While often unsuccessful in large-scale conflicts like the Haymarket Riot, they built a foundation for later organizations. The American Federation of Labor (AFL), founded in 1886 by Samuel Gompers, adopted a more pragmatic approach, focusing on "bread-and-butter" issues of wages, hours, and working conditions for its skilled members. Simultaneously, farmers crushed by debt and monopolistic railroad rates formed the Populist Party. Their 1892 Omaha Platform was a radical critique of industrial capitalism, demanding government ownership of railroads, a progressive income tax, and the free coinage of silver to help debtors, representing a powerful, albeit ultimately failed, attempt to use the federal government to rein in corporate power.
A second category of reformers responded not by seeking to overthrow the industrial system, but by addressing its most severe social consequences, particularly in burgeoning cities. The Social Gospel movement, led by Protestant ministers like Walter Rauschenbusch, challenged the church to move beyond personal salvation and confront social injustices like poverty and inequality. They argued that an un-Christian environment, not individual failure, was the root of social problems. This philosophy found practical application in the settlement house movement. Pioneered by women like Jane Addams, whose Hull House in Chicago became a model, settlement houses provided vital support to immigrant and working-class families. They offered services such as English classes, daycare, and healthcare, acting as community centers that helped people adapt to the harsh realities of urban industrial life while also advocating for systemic reforms like factory safety and sanitation laws.
Finally, a third strand of reform responded to what it perceived as the moral and cultural decay fostered by industrial society. The Women's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU), under the leadership of Frances Willard, became one of the largest women's organizations in the nation. While focused on prohibiting alcohol, the WCTU linked temperance to the problems of industrialization, arguing that drunkenness led to poverty, workplace accidents, and domestic violence that plagued working-class families. In their "do everything" policy, they expanded their platform to include issues like women's suffrage, arguing that women needed the vote to protect their homes and purify society from the corrupting influences of the industrial city and the male-dominated saloon culture that accompanied it. This movement illustrates how reformers often blended moral concerns with a sophisticated critique of the social order created by industrialization.
In conclusion, the response to industrialization in the 19th century was multifaceted, reflecting the complex nature of the problems it created. While the direct challenges from labor unions and Populists sought systemic economic change, the compassionate work of social reformers and the moral crusade of the temperance movement aimed to heal the social fabric torn by industrial capitalism. Though many of their specific goals were not achieved by 1900, these diverse movements laid the essential groundwork for the Progressive Era of the early 20th century, a period when many of their ideas would finally be enacted into federal law, permanently altering the role of government in American life.
Question 2: Evaluate how Native American societies adapted to the presence of European colonists in North America from 1500 to 1754.
Thesis Idea: From 1500 to 1754, Native American societies adapted to the presence of European colonists not as passive victims, but as active agents who engaged in a complex mix of accommodation, technological integration, and armed resistance, fundamentally altering their own economic, political, and military landscapes in an effort to preserve their autonomy.
Contextualization: Describe the diversity of pre-Columbian Native American societies. Explain the motivations for European colonization (God, Gold, Glory) and the Columbian Exchange, which brought new diseases, crops, and animals (like the horse) that began transforming Native life even before direct, sustained contact.
Body Paragraph 1 (Economic Adaptation/Accommodation): Focus on the fur trade. Native groups like the Iroquois and Huron integrated into the Atlantic economy, trading furs for European goods like guns, metal tools, and alcohol. This led to changes in traditional subsistence patterns and increased inter-tribal warfare over hunting grounds.
Evidence: Iroquois Confederacy, French-Huron trade alliance, Beaver Wars.
Body Paragraph 2 (Military and Political Adaptation): Focus on how Natives adapted to European-style warfare and diplomacy. They formed alliances with European powers (e.g., Iroquois with the British, Algonquians with the French) to play them against each other and gain an advantage over rival tribes. The adoption of firearms transformed Native warfare.
Evidence: Iroquois Confederacy's strategic alliances, role of Native allies in conflicts like the Seven Years' War.
Body Paragraph 3 (Resistance): Focus on violent resistance to European encroachment and cultural imposition. When diplomacy and accommodation failed, many groups fought to defend their lands and sovereignty.
Evidence: Pueblo Revolt (1680) against the Spanish, King Philip's War (1675-76) against New England colonists.
Complexity: Compare the different adaptation strategies of different groups (e.g., the powerful Iroquois Confederacy's diplomacy vs. the resistance of Metacom's alliance). Explain the tragic irony that some adaptations, like dependency on European trade goods and firearms, ultimately weakened Native societies and made them more vulnerable to colonial expansion.
Question 4: Evaluate how United States foreign policy responded to changes in the world from 1890 to 1930.
Thesis Idea: In response to global changes such as the rise of European imperialism and global warfare from 1890 to 1930, United States foreign policy shifted dramatically from continental isolationism toward active overseas expansion and global interventionism, yet this shift was tempered by a persistent and powerful public and political desire to return to a more limited, unilateral role in world affairs.
Contextualization: Describe late 19th-century global context: the "New Imperialism" of European powers in Africa and Asia, the closing of the American frontier (Turner's thesis), and industrialization creating a need for new markets and raw materials. This created pressure for the U.S. to join the great powers on the world stage.
Body Paragraph 1 (Shift to Imperialism, 1890-1914): Focus on the U.S. becoming a colonial power. This was a direct response to the perceived need to compete with European empires.
Evidence: Spanish-American War (1898), acquisition of the Philippines, Puerto Rico, and Guam. Open Door Policy in China. Theodore Roosevelt's Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine and "Big Stick" diplomacy in Latin America (e.g., Panama Canal).
Body Paragraph 2 (Intervention in WWI, 1914-1919): Focus on the U.S. abandoning its tradition of neutrality to intervene in a major European war, marking the peak of its global interventionism in this period. Wilson's idealistic goal was to "make the world safe for democracy."
Evidence: Sinking of the Lusitania, Zimmerman Telegram, U.S. entry into WWI, Wilson's Fourteen Points.
Body Paragraph 3 (Return to Unilateralism/Isolationism, 1920-1930): Focus on the backlash against Wilsonian internationalism. The desire to avoid another European conflict led the U.S. to retreat from collective security.
Evidence: Senate rejection of the Treaty of Versailles and the League of Nations. The Washington Naval Conference (an attempt at disarmament, but on U.S. terms). High protective tariffs (Fordney-McCumber). Kellogg-Briand Pact (symbolic but unenforceable).
Complexity: The key to complexity is to avoid a simple "isolationism to interventionism and back" narrative. Explain that the "return to normalcy" in the 1920s was not a return to pre-1890s isolation. The U.S. remained deeply involved in the world economically (Dawes Plan) and diplomatically (Washington Conference), but it insisted on acting unilaterally, outside the constraints of alliances like the League of Nations. This "independent internationalism" is a more nuanced description of 1920s foreign policy.
AP® U.S. History 2025 FRQ Set 2: Detailed Solutions
A Note from Your APUSH Educator: Hello and welcome to the walkthrough for the 2025 Set 2 Free-Response Questions. Mastering APUSH involves honing your ability to analyze sources, construct cogent arguments, and use historical evidence effectively. We will dissect each question, outline a strategic approach, and provide model answers that demonstrate the skills needed for a top score. While the user requested a "mathematical expressions format," historical analysis relies on well-reasoned prose. Therefore, the solutions are presented in a highly structured, logical format to ensure clarity, using historical evidence to build arguments step-by-step.
Question 1 (SAQ): Origins of the Cold War
This question asks you to compare two historical interpretations (historiography) regarding the causes of the Cold War.
A. Briefly describe one major difference between Pollard’s and Patterson's historical interpretations of the origins of the Cold War.
- Analyze Pollard (Source 1): This is a "revisionist" interpretation. Pollard focuses on U.S. economic motives. Key phrases: "Conflict over economic issues," "economic security," "need of American business for an open worldwide economic environment," "access to cheap overseas raw materials." He argues the U.S. used its economic power to achieve political ends, placing significant responsibility on American actions.
- Analyze Patterson (Source 2): This is a more "orthodox" or "post-revisionist" view. Patterson emphasizes Soviet aggression and ideology. Key phrases: "psychological appeal of [Soviet ideas]," "Soviets proceeded to oppress their eastern European neighbors," "it was the Soviet Union...whose behavior...seemed alarming." He argues that the U.S. and other Western nations were reacting defensively to a legitimate threat.
- Identify the Core Difference: The fundamental difference is in assigning primary responsibility. Pollard attributes the conflict largely to American economic expansionism. Patterson attributes it primarily to aggressive Soviet actions and ideology, portraying the U.S. response as necessary and defensive.
One major difference between Pollard's and Patterson's interpretations is the primary cause they attribute to the start of the Cold War. Pollard argues that the conflict was driven by American economic interests, stating that the U.S. sought to create an "open worldwide economic environment" for its businesses and used its economic power to achieve "political ends." In contrast, Patterson places the primary responsibility on the Soviet Union, arguing that its aggressive and expansionist behavior in Eastern Europe was "alarming" and forced the United States and its allies to adopt a policy of resistance out of a need for "credibility" and self-defense.
B. Briefly explain how one event or development from 1940 to 1960 not directly mentioned in the excerpts could be used to support Pollard's interpretation.
- Recall Pollard's Argument: U.S. foreign policy was driven by the need for economic security and an open world for American capitalism.
- Brainstorm Evidence (1940-1960): What U.S. policies used economic power for strategic aims?
- The Marshall Plan (1948).
- Creation of the IMF and World Bank at Bretton Woods (1944).
- CIA-backed coup in Guatemala (1954) to protect the United Fruit Company.
- Select and Explain: The Marshall Plan is a perfect example. It was a massive economic aid package to rebuild war-torn Western Europe. While it had a humanitarian component, its primary goals were to create stable markets for American goods, prevent the spread of communism by alleviating economic distress, and integrate European economies into a U.S.-led capitalist system. This directly supports Pollard's thesis that the U.S. used "governmental...agencies to reshape world commercial...systems."
The Marshall Plan, enacted in 1948, strongly supports Pollard's interpretation of an economically driven foreign policy. This massive infusion of American financial aid was designed to rebuild Western European economies, but its strategic purpose was to create stable, prosperous markets for U.S. goods and to prevent the spread of communism by countering economic instability. This use of "governmental...agencies to reshape world commercial, monetary, and financial systems" perfectly aligns with Pollard's argument that the United States leveraged its "unrivalled economic power" to secure its political and economic interests in the postwar world.
C. Briefly explain how one event or development from 1940 to 1960 not directly mentioned in the excerpts could be used to support Patterson's interpretation.
- Recall Patterson's Argument: The U.S. was reacting defensively to alarming Soviet aggression and expansionism.
- Brainstorm Evidence (1940-1960): What Soviet actions were perceived as aggressive and threatening?
- The Soviet blockade of Berlin (1948-49).
- The Soviet Union's detonation of an atomic bomb (1949).
- The Communist takeover of Czechoslovakia (1948).
- The invasion of South Korea by the communist North (1950).
- Select and Explain: The Berlin Blockade is a powerful example. Stalin's attempt to cut off all land access to West Berlin was a direct, aggressive act designed to force the Western allies out of the city. The U.S. response, the Berlin Airlift, can be framed as a defensive measure to protect a free people and maintain "credibility," as Patterson suggests. This event supports the view that Soviet behavior, not U.S. economic interest, was the primary driver of the confrontation.
The Soviet blockade of Berlin in 1948-1949 supports Patterson's interpretation that the Cold War was a response to Soviet aggression. By cutting off all land and water access to West Berlin, the Soviet Union took a direct and hostile action to try to force the Western powers out. This was widely seen in the West as an alarming and expansionist move, consistent with Patterson's claim that Soviet behavior "seemed alarming." The American-led Berlin Airlift that followed can be viewed as a necessary act of resistance to Soviet oppression, demonstrating the "credibility" Patterson argues was required in the face of such threats.
Question 2 (SAQ): African American Women's Activism
This question analyzes a primary source—a speech by Mary Church Terrell—to explore the goals and context of the African American women's club movement.
A. Briefly describe the author's purpose as expressed in the excerpt.
- Analyze the Source: Mary Church Terrell, president of the National Association of Colored Women (NACW), is addressing her organization in 1897.
- Identify Key Goals: She calls for action on several fronts: "strike a blow for equality and right" (political/legal status), "espouse...temperance and morality," and practice "race unity, race pride."
- Determine the Purpose: Her purpose is to galvanize Black women into an organized force for "racial uplift." She is outlining a mission for the NACW that combines political activism, social and moral reform, and the fostering of racial pride to improve the condition of African Americans.
The author's purpose, as expressed by Mary Church Terrell, is to rally and define a mission for the organized "colored women of the United States." She aims to inspire these women to work collectively for the advancement of the African American community through a strategy of "racial uplift," which involves fighting for legal equality, promoting moral reforms like temperance, and cultivating a strong sense of race pride and unity.
B. Briefly explain how one historical development between 1865 and 1897 contributed to the ideas expressed in the excerpt.
- Recall the Context (1865-1897): This is the era of Reconstruction and its failure, and the rise of the Jim Crow South.
- Brainstorm Developments:
- The passage of the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments (the "progress" Terrell mentions).
- The subsequent rise of white supremacist violence (KKK) and the implementation of Black Codes and Jim Crow laws.
- The Supreme Court's ruling in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), which enshrined "separate but equal."
- Select and Explain: The rise of Jim Crow segregation and disenfranchisement in the South is the most direct cause. As federal protection disappeared and Southern states imposed a system of racial subordination, African Americans faced escalating political oppression and social degradation. This created the urgent need for Black-led organizations like the NACW to "strike a blow for equality and right" and work for self-help and racial solidarity in the face of systemic racism. The "cry of alarm" Terrell mentions is a direct response to this worsening situation.
The rise of Jim Crow segregation and the systematic disenfranchisement of Black men in the South after the end of Reconstruction contributed directly to the ideas in the excerpt. As Southern states passed laws enforcing racial segregation and stripping away political rights, and with the Supreme Court's sanctioning of "separate but equal" in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), African Americans faced a worsening legal and social status. This oppressive environment created the urgent need for self-help and community organization that Terrell describes, compelling Black women to form groups like the NACW to "strike a blow for equality" and work to "elevate the race" when formal political avenues were being closed.
C. Briefly explain how the ideas expressed in the excerpt contributed to one historical development between 1897 and 1945.
- Recall Terrell's Ideas: Racial uplift, political activism, race pride, and community building.
- Brainstorm Developments (1897-1945):
- The creation of the NAACP (1909).
- The anti-lynching campaigns led by activists like Ida B. Wells.
- The Great Migration.
- The Harlem Renaissance.
- Select and Explain: The founding of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in 1909 is a direct outgrowth of the principles Terrell advocated. The NACW and its members were precursors and often founding members of the NAACP. The NAACP's strategy of using legal challenges to "strike a blow for equality and right" is a perfect continuation of the mission Terrell outlined. Mary Church Terrell herself was a charter member of the NAACP, showing the direct link.
The ideas of racial uplift and organized activism expressed by Terrell contributed to the founding of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in 1909. The NACW's focus on fighting for legal rights and mobilizing the community laid an important organizational and ideological foundation for the NAACP. Activists like Terrell, who became a charter member of the NAACP, carried the mission to "strike a blow for equality and right" into this new, interracial organization that would go on to lead the legal fight against segregation and disenfranchisement throughout the first half of the 20th century.
Questions 3 & 4 (SAQ): Thematic Choice
The instructions require you to answer EITHER Question 3 OR Question 4. Below are model answers for both to aid in your studies.
Model Solution for Question 3: Revolutionary & Early National Period
A. Briefly describe one political debate in British North America from 1763 to 1783.
One central political debate from 1763 to 1783 was over the issue of "no taxation without representation." Following the imposition of new British taxes like the Stamp Act and the Townshend Acts, American colonists argued that Parliament had no right to levy internal taxes on them because they did not have elected representatives in that body. The British countered with the theory of "virtual representation," claiming that members of Parliament represented the interests of the entire empire, a view colonists vehemently rejected, sparking the move toward independence.
B. Briefly describe one effect of the ratification of the United States Constitution from 1789 to 1800.
One major effect of the ratification of the Constitution was the creation of the first American political parties. Debates over the proper scope and power of the new federal government, particularly over Alexander Hamilton's financial plan (which included a national bank and assumption of state debts), led to the formation of the Federalist Party, who favored a strong central government, and the Democratic-Republican Party, who advocated for states' rights and a stricter interpretation of the Constitution.
C. Briefly explain how one group responded to debates about federal government power from 1800 to 1840.
The Supreme Court under Chief Justice John Marshall responded to debates about federal power by consistently strengthening it through its legal decisions. In landmark cases like Marbury v. Madison (1803) and McCulloch v. Maryland (1819), the Marshall Court established the principles of judicial review and the supremacy of federal law over state law. Despite the Democratic-Republican party's control of the executive and legislative branches, the Federalist-dominated court ensured that the power of the central government would be expanded and protected.
Model Solution for Question 4: 20th Century
A. Briefly describe one political debate in the United States between 1910 and 1929.
One major political debate between 1910 and 1929 centered on whether the United States should join the League of Nations. Following World War I, President Woodrow Wilson championed the League as essential for collective security and preventing future wars. However, he faced fierce opposition from Republican "Irreconcilables" and "Reservationists" in the Senate, led by Henry Cabot Lodge, who feared that membership would violate American sovereignty and entangle the U.S. in foreign conflicts, ultimately leading to the Senate's rejection of the Treaty of Versailles.
B. Briefly describe one effect of the New Deal from 1932 to 1945.
One profound effect of the New Deal was the creation of a federal social safety net, which permanently expanded the role of the government in the lives of ordinary citizens. Programs like the Social Security Act of 1935 established a system of old-age pensions, unemployment insurance, and aid for dependent children, establishing the principle that the federal government had an ongoing responsibility for the economic security and welfare of the American people.
C. Briefly explain how one group responded to debates about government power from 1945 to 1970.
Civil rights activists responded to debates about government power by demanding that the federal government use its authority to enforce the 14th and 15th Amendments and end segregation in the South. Groups like the NAACP and Martin Luther King Jr.'s Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) argued that states' rights were being used as a justification for racial oppression, and they successfully pushed for landmark federal legislation, such as the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, representing a massive assertion of federal power over the states to protect individual rights.
Question 1 (Document-Based Question)
Prompt: Evaluate the extent to which economic changes influenced United States society between 1865 and 1910.
1. Deconstructing the Prompt & Planning
- Historical Skill: Causation (how economic changes *influenced* society). The key is to evaluate the *extent* of influence, which implies a deep and transformative impact but also allows for nuance.
- Topic: Economic changes' influence on U.S. society. Economic changes include industrialization, technological innovation (railroads), rise of corporations, etc. Societal influence includes urbanization, immigration, class conflict, new social structures, and reform movements.
- Period: 1865-1910 (The Gilded Age and the start of the Progressive Era).
- Argument Outline:
- Thesis: Economic changes stemming from rapid industrialization profoundly reshaped American society between 1865 and 1910, fostering national unity and unprecedented wealth while simultaneously creating deep class divisions, sparking intense social and labor conflict, and ultimately giving rise to powerful reform movements demanding new solutions to the problems of the industrial age.
- Context: The end of the Civil War unleashed the full force of the Second Industrial Revolution in America. Federal policies like railroad subsidies (Pacific Railway Acts), a pro-business judiciary, and abundant natural resources and labor (from immigration) created a perfect storm for rapid industrial growth.
- Body Paragraph 1 (National Integration & Optimism): Focus on how new technologies, especially railroads, unified the country and were seen as symbols of progress.
Docs: Doc 1 (Vinton's sermon) praises the transcontinental railroad for binding the nation and promoting commerce. Doc 6 ("Industrial Leadership") celebrates the "Captain of industry" as a hero creating national wealth and power.
Outside Evidence: Creation of national markets for goods, time zones. - Body Paragraph 2 (Class Division & Conflict): Focus on the negative social consequences: the widening gap between rich and poor and the resulting labor strife.
Docs: Doc 2 (Henry George) critiques the "great enigma" of "poverty with progress." Doc 3 (Lucy Parsons), as an anarchist and labor activist, predicts a revolutionary struggle between the "possessing class and the non-possessing class," pointing to the widespread strikes. Her purpose is to advocate for radical change in the face of this conflict. Doc 4 (Benjamin Harrison) offers a contrasting view from a former President, defending manufacturers and decrying the "class envyings" stirred up by Democrats, showing the political elite's concern over this conflict. - Body Paragraph 3 (Societal Responses & Reform): Focus on how different groups tried to solve these problems.
Docs: Doc 5 (Kelley on the union label) shows a reform strategy using consumer power to improve labor conditions. Doc 7 (cartoon of TR as "Trust Buster") depicts the Progressive Era response of using government power to regulate monopolies. The cartoon's purpose is to celebrate Roosevelt's use of "Trust Control Laws" to rein in the excesses of corporate power, a direct response to the social problems created by industrialization.
Outside Evidence: Settlement House Movement (Jane Addams), Social Gospel, Populist Party. - Complexity: The best way to show complexity is by analyzing the conflicting perspectives on these economic changes. Contrast the celebratory tone of Vinton (Doc 1) and the NYT article (Doc 6) with the stark warnings of George (Doc 2) and Parsons (Doc 3). This shows that industrialization was not seen monolithically; it was celebrated by some as progress and condemned by others as a source of injustice and conflict. This tension between "progress" and "poverty" is the central theme of the Gilded Age.
2. Model Essay
In the decades following the Civil War, the United States experienced an economic transformation of unparalleled scale and speed. Fueled by technological innovation, massive immigration, and government policies that favored industrial growth, the nation transitioned from a largely agrarian society into the world's leading industrial power. This period, often called the Gilded Age, was defined by the construction of transcontinental railroads, the growth of massive corporations, and the explosive expansion of cities. These economic developments did not merely alter the nation's balance sheet; they fundamentally reconfigured the very fabric of American society, setting the stage for new opportunities, new conflicts, and new ideas about the future of the republic.
Between 1865 and 1910, economic changes driven by rapid industrialization influenced United States society to a profound extent, creating a more interconnected national market and a sense of national progress, while simultaneously generating severe class stratification and violent labor conflict, which in turn spurred a range of societal and political reform movements aimed at addressing the crises of the new industrial order.
Initially, the major economic developments of the era were widely celebrated as forces for national unity and progress. The completion of the first transcontinental railroad in 1869, for example, was hailed as a monumental achievement. In his sermon, minister Francis Vinton lauded the railroad not just as a "triumph of commerce" but as a force that would "preserve the Union" by binding the Atlantic and Pacific coasts "into one nation" (Document 1). This perspective was shared by many who saw industrial leaders as heroic figures. An 1890 article in the New York Times celebrated the "Captain of industry" as the "hero of the future," whose economic endeavors created national wealth and global power (Document 6). This optimistic view was rooted in the tangible reality of a new national market, facilitated by railroads and telegraphs, which broke down localism and fostered a more unified, if not uniform, national culture.
However, this veneer of progress masked deep and growing social fissures. The same economic engine that generated immense fortunes for industrialists like Andrew Carnegie and John D. Rockefeller also created a vast, often impoverished, industrial working class. The journalist Henry George identified this paradox as the "great enigma of our times," questioning why an "enormous increase in productive power" led not to the end of poverty but to a "sharper the contrast between the House of Have and the House of Want" (Document 2). This widening gap fueled intense class conflict. Lucy Parsons, a former enslaved woman and radical labor activist, saw this conflict as inevitable, predicting a "struggle in the revolutionary stage" between the "possessing class" and the "non-possessing class" (Document 3). Writing in 1886, in the midst of major labor upheavals like the Haymarket affair, Parsons's purpose was to argue that the wage system itself was broken and required a revolutionary overhaul. The political establishment was acutely aware of this conflict, as shown in former President Benjamin Harrison's 1894 speech, where he laments the "war on American industry" and urges an end to the "class envyings" he blames on his political opponents (Document 4).
In response to these profound social disruptions, various groups within society proposed and enacted new strategies for reform. Labor reformers like M. E. J. Kelley promoted the "union label" as a way for consumers to wield their purchasing power ethically, ensuring goods were made by "well-paid white citizens" in decent conditions, not in exploitative sweatshops (Document 5). This represented a grassroots attempt to impose moral standards on the industrial economy. By the turn of the century, these concerns had escalated to the federal level, ushering in the Progressive Era. President Theodore Roosevelt, depicted as "The 'Trust Buster'" in a 1903 political cartoon, responded to widespread public anger at the power of monopolies (Document 7). The cartoon's purpose is to portray Roosevelt as a strong leader taming the powerful corporate trusts (depicted as an octopus) with "Trust Control Laws" like the Sherman Antitrust Act. This use of federal power to regulate the economy was a direct societal response to the excesses and inequalities fostered by a generation of unchecked industrial growth and represented a significant shift from the laissez-faire ethos of the Gilded Age.
In conclusion, the economic changes of the late 19th century had a pervasive and transformative influence on American society. While industrialization built a powerful, unified nation and was a source of national pride, its benefits were distributed with profound inequality. This inequality was not a mere byproduct but a central feature of the new economy, sparking a period of intense social and class conflict that defined the Gilded Age. The societal responses to this conflict—from labor organizing to consumer action to, ultimately, federal regulation—demonstrate the extent to which Americans grappled with the fundamental question of how to reconcile their democratic ideals with the realities of industrial capitalism, a struggle that would continue to shape the nation for decades to come.
Long Essay Questions (LEQ)
Instructions: Choose ONE of the following questions to answer. A full model essay is provided for Question 3, with strategic outlines for Questions 2 and 4.
Question 3: Evaluate how sectional tensions shaped United States society from 1800 to 1848.
1. Deconstructing the Prompt & Planning
- Historical Skill: Causation (how sectional tensions *shaped* society).
- Topic: Sectional tensions' influence on U.S. society. This means looking beyond politics to social, cultural, and economic impacts.
- Period: 1800-1848. The "antebellum" period, from Jefferson's election to the end of the Mexican-American War.
- Argument Outline:
- Thesis: From 1800 to 1848, intensifying sectional tensions over slavery and economic policy profoundly shaped American society by creating distinct regional economic systems, fueling westward expansion as a battleground for political power, and giving rise to powerful social and political movements dedicated to either defending or destroying the institution of slavery.
- Contextualization: Describe the early republic and the "Era of Good Feelings" as a period of apparent national unity that masked underlying tensions. The invention of the cotton gin had revived the profitability of slavery, while the North was beginning to industrialize, setting the two regions on divergent economic and social paths.
- Body Paragraph 1 (Divergent Economic & Social Systems): Explain how the debate over economic policy (tariffs, internal improvements, national bank) reflected and reinforced sectional differences. The industrializing North, represented by Henry Clay's American System, favored policies that the agrarian South, dependent on cotton exports, largely opposed. This created distinct economic identities and social structures—a society of free labor and commerce in the North versus a slave-based plantation aristocracy in the South.
Evidence: American System, Tariff of Abominations (1828), Nullification Crisis (1832-33). - Body Paragraph 2 (Westward Expansion as a Sectional Battleground): Argue that the primary driver of sectional tension was the question of whether slavery would expand into new western territories. Each new state threatened to upset the delicate balance of power in the Senate.
Evidence: Louisiana Purchase, Missouri Compromise of 1820 (which set a precedent for dividing territory), the debate over the annexation of Texas. - Body Paragraph 3 (Rise of Sectional Ideologies & Movements): Show how these tensions created powerful social movements. In the South, a positive good defense of slavery developed (John C. Calhoun). In the North, the abolitionist movement grew from a fringe group to a significant moral and political force.
Evidence: William Lloyd Garrison's The Liberator, Frederick Douglass, Nat Turner's Rebellion (1831) and the fearful Southern response, the "gag rule" in Congress. - Complexity: Achieve complexity by showing that "the North" and "the South" were not monolithic. For example, many Northerners were not abolitionists and were deeply racist, but they opposed the expansion of slavery for economic reasons (the Free Soil ideology). Similarly, not all Southerners were wealthy planters. This nuance moves beyond a simple North vs. South binary.
2. Model Essay
In the first half of the nineteenth century, the United States was a nation of profound contradictions. It celebrated its republican ideals of liberty and equality while entrenching the institution of chattel slavery. Following a period of relative political unity known as the "Era of Good Feelings," the nation's underlying regional differences began to sharpen into deep and irreconcilable sectional divides. Fueled by the westward march of the population and the development of distinct regional economies, these tensions—primarily revolving around the institution of slavery and the role of the federal government—would come to dominate American public life, shaping every facet of its society.
From 1800 to 1848, growing sectional tensions over slavery and economic policy profoundly shaped United States society by fostering the development of two fundamentally different regional economies, transforming westward expansion into a fierce political contest for power, and spawning powerful, antagonistic social movements that defined American identity in increasingly sectional terms.
The economic policies of the federal government served as an early and persistent catalyst for sectional strife, reinforcing divergent regional paths. The North, with its growing manufacturing sector, largely supported Henry Clay’s "American System"—a program of protective tariffs, a national bank, and federally funded internal improvements. Northern society saw these policies as essential for national economic development and commercial growth. The South, however, with its agrarian economy dependent on the export of cotton, viewed such policies with hostility. Southerners saw protective tariffs, like the 1828 "Tariff of Abominations," as a tax that benefited Northern industrialists at their expense. This economic friction culminated in the Nullification Crisis of 1832-33, where South Carolina, led by John C. Calhoun, asserted a state's right to void federal law. This clash was not merely about economics; it exposed a fundamental disagreement about the nature of the Union and solidified distinct regional identities built around opposing economic systems—one based on free labor and commerce, the other on enslaved labor and agriculture.
Furthermore, these sectional tensions transformed the process of westward expansion from a symbol of national opportunity into a battleground over the future of slavery. With a delicate balance of power between free and slave states in the Senate, the admission of each new territory carried immense political weight. The Missouri Compromise of 1820 was the first major legislative battle over this issue, temporarily resolving the crisis by admitting Missouri as a slave state and Maine as a free state, while drawing a line at 36°30' across the Louisiana Territory to divide future free and slave territories. This compromise, however, only institutionalized the sectional divide, ensuring that every subsequent step of westward expansion, such as the debate over the annexation of Texas in the 1830s and 1840s, would be fraught with sectional conflict as North and South vied for the political power necessary to protect their respective systems.
Finally, the escalating conflict over slavery gave rise to powerful and mutually hostile social movements that came to define American society. In the North, the Second Great Awakening fueled a moral fervor that helped transform abolitionism from a fringe belief into a potent social cause. Figures like William Lloyd Garrison, through his newspaper The Liberator, called for the immediate and uncompensated emancipation of all slaves, framing slavery as a national sin. In response to this growing moral critique and the fear of slave rebellions like Nat Turner's in 1831, the South abandoned its earlier defense of slavery as a "necessary evil" and developed a strident pro-slavery ideology that championed it as a "positive good." Southern intellectuals and politicians defended slavery as a benevolent institution essential to a stable, hierarchical society. This ideological entrenchment led to measures like the congressional "gag rule," which tabled all anti-slavery petitions, demonstrating how sectional tensions suppressed free speech and created a society increasingly incapable of national dialogue.
In conclusion, the period from 1800 to 1848 was not simply a prelude to the Civil War but a time when American society was actively and profoundly shaped by the forces of sectionalism. The nation was, in effect, developing into two distinct civilizations whose economic interests, political priorities, and social values were in direct opposition. The Missouri Compromise and the Nullification Crisis were not solutions but rather markers of an ever-deepening divide. By 1848, with the acquisition of vast new territories from Mexico, the sectional tensions that had shaped the preceding decades were poised to erupt, setting the nation on an irreversible path toward disunion.
Question 2: Evaluate how British colonists in the Americas adapted to their environments from 1607 to 1754.
Thesis Idea: From 1607 to 1754, British colonists in North America adapted to their diverse new environments not by simply recreating English society, but by developing unique regional economies, social structures, and political systems that were directly shaped by the distinct geographical, climatic, and demographic conditions they encountered.
Contextualization: Describe the motivations for English colonization (economic opportunity, religious freedom, imperial competition). Note the diverse environments of North America, from the cold, rocky soil of New England to the fertile, warm climate of the Southern colonies and the rich fur-trapping regions of the interior.
Body Paragraph 1 (New England Colonies): Focus on adaptation to a challenging environment. The cold climate and rocky soil were unsuitable for large-scale cash-crop agriculture. Colonists adapted by developing a mixed economy based on subsistence farming, fishing, shipbuilding, and maritime trade. Socially, this environment, combined with their Puritan religious mission, fostered the development of tight-knit towns and a focus on community and education.
Evidence: Cod fishing, Boston as a major port, town meetings, Harvard College.
Body Paragraph 2 (Chesapeake & Southern Colonies): Focus on adaptation to a favorable agricultural environment. The long growing seasons and fertile soil were ideal for cultivating cash crops. Colonists in Virginia and Maryland adapted by developing a plantation economy centered on tobacco, which in turn created a hierarchical social structure and an immense demand for labor, met first by indentured servants and then increasingly by enslaved Africans. In South Carolina, colonists adapted to the swampy low country by cultivating rice and indigo.
Evidence: Headright system, growth of slavery, House of Burgesses dominated by planter elite, development of Charleston.
Body Paragraph 3 (Middle Colonies): Focus on adaptation to a balanced and diverse environment. The Middle Colonies (NY, PA, NJ, DE) had fertile soil and a more temperate climate than New England, supporting a thriving export economy in cereal crops ("bread colonies"). This region's environment, combined with its ethnic and religious diversity (e.g., William Penn's "holy experiment"), fostered a society that was more tolerant and cosmopolitan than New England and less rigidly hierarchical than the South.
Evidence: Wheat and corn exports, ethnic diversity (Germans, Scots-Irish), religious tolerance in Pennsylvania, growth of Philadelphia.
Complexity: Achieve complexity by using the skill of comparison throughout the essay. Directly compare the economic and social structures that emerged in the three regions, explicitly linking them back to the specific environmental factors in each. For example, contrast how the environment of New England fostered a "yeoman farmer" ideal while the Chesapeake's environment fostered a "planter aristocracy."
Question 4: Evaluate how United States society responded to economic changes from 1960 to 2000.
Thesis Idea: In response to major economic changes from 1960 to 2000, including deindustrialization, globalization, and the rise of a high-tech service economy, American society experienced significant social and political realignment, characterized by the decline of organized labor's power, growing economic inequality, and a major political shift toward conservatism and deregulation.
Contextualization: Describe the post-WWII economic boom (c. 1945-1970), characterized by a strong manufacturing base, high union membership, and a prosperous middle class. This "golden age" began to unravel in the late 1960s and 1970s due to increased foreign competition (from Germany and Japan) and the energy crisis.
Body Paragraph 1 (Deindustrialization & Decline of Labor): Focus on the social impact of the collapse of the manufacturing sector, particularly in the "Rust Belt." Factories closed and moved overseas, leading to the devastation of industrial cities and a steep decline in the membership and political power of private-sector labor unions.
Evidence: Decline of cities like Detroit and Pittsburgh, Reagan's breaking of the PATCO strike (1981), decrease in union membership statistics.
Body Paragraph 2 (Rise of the "New Economy" & Growing Inequality): Focus on the shift from a manufacturing to a service and information economy. The rise of Silicon Valley and the tech industry created immense new wealth, but the benefits were not widely shared. The loss of high-paying, low-skill manufacturing jobs and the growth of low-paying service jobs led to wage stagnation for many and a dramatic increase in income and wealth inequality.
Evidence: Rise of Microsoft and Apple, statistics on rising income inequality (Gini coefficient), debates over the minimum wage.
Body Paragraph 3 (Political Response: The Conservative Ascendancy): Argue that these economic anxieties, combined with social issues, fueled a major political shift. The stagflation of the 1970s discredited Keynesian economics and the liberal belief in government intervention. This opened the door for a conservative movement that advocated for deregulation, tax cuts, and free-market principles as the solution to economic problems.
Evidence: The election of Ronald Reagan (1980), "Reaganomics" (supply-side economics), deregulation of industries (airlines, finance), NAFTA (signed by Clinton, representing a bipartisan consensus on globalization).
Complexity: Show nuance by discussing the paradoxes of the era. For example, while the overall economy grew impressively during the tech boom of the 1990s, this prosperity was accompanied by widening inequality and job insecurity for many Americans. Another point of complexity is explaining how the Democratic party also shifted to the right on economic issues, as exemplified by President Clinton's embrace of welfare reform and free trade agreements like NAFTA, showing the broad societal and political realignment in response to these economic changes.